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30/7/2010

News/ CULTURAL NEWS

Culture news

by last three days

* 1..10 *

2006-10-30

KHAZARIA: A EURASIAN KINGDOM LIKE NO OTHER [09:25:00]

Ancient annals of the Jewish people speak of exile after exile, pogrom after pogrom. But for two brief centuries during the early Middle Ages, a succession of Jewish kings ruled over an empire that became the dominant power of southern Russia, and encompassed regions stretching from the modern-day Ukrainian capital of Kiev to Central Asia’s Aral Sea. Sitting on the northern borders of Byzantium and the lands of the Arab caliphate, Khazaria rivaled both empires. The story of Jewish Khazaria, with its components of proselytism, militarism and extensive inter-ethnic mixing, is unique among Jewish tribes. Indeed, because the kingdom owed its Jewishness to conversion, its importance in questions of ancestry and of Ashkenazi ethnogenesis has long been demoted. This is the thesis of the second edition of Kevin Alan Brook’s The Jews of Khazaria, published this month by Rowman & Littlefield. The edition incorporates new archeological findings and DNA analysis to bolster Brook’s argument that the Khazarian Jews are the origin of multiple ethnic groups in Eastern Europe today. The revisions also emphasize the Khazar contribution in halting Arab conquest into Russia and in catalyzing the migrations of the Bulgars and Magyars from the Volga region to their present lands. Khazaria, which became an independent state in the mid-seventh century, was a multi-ethnic kaganate,, or khanate, favoring Turkic administrative customs and shamanistic religions, but permissive of many faiths. Initially a refuge for Jews from less tolerant Persia and Byzantium, Khazaria was reshaped by waves of Jewish refugees, most of who intermarried and adopted local customs while keeping their own religious observances. By the tenth century, Judaism had become Khazaria’s predominant religion, according to Brook and other scholars. The Khazars’ mass conversion was not a grassroots phenomenon, but one initiated by the ruling class. In about 740 AD, King Bulan converted to Judaism, with the nobility following in his example. The story of the king’s decision reads like a classic myth: Uncertain as to the best religion, Bulan summons scholars of Christianity, Islam and Judaism to Khazaria. Like Paris before him, Bulan makes his choice v but with better fortune: "From that time on, the Almighty God helped him and strengthened him," reads an 11th century account. "He and his slaves circumcised themselves and he sent for and brought wise men of Israel who interpreted the Torah for him and arranged the precepts in order." Brook, who is not affiliated with a university, has been researching Khazar history for little more than a decade. His book, however, is solidly academic. The conversion of Bulan, for example, is related with details from five separate texts as well as contemporary theories attributing his decision to a geopolitical gambit to offset Christian Slavs and Muslim caliphs. All extant sources have been consulted, with material cited at the end of each chapter. The Jews of Khazaria owes much to Khazar Studies by Professor Peter Golden of Rutgers University (Budapest: Akademiai Kiado, 1980), and for primary resources gives preference to the so-called Schechter Letter, an anonymous tenth-century manuscript discovered by Solomon Schechter in a Cairo synagogue in the 1890s. An informational essay on the Khazar Jews commissioned by interested parties, the Schechter Letter is a true font of information for Khazar scholars. Brook’s style, didactic and balanced, is less riveting as a history. Strangely, The Jews of Khazaria, which sets out to dispel certain "popular misconceptions," begins with a series of anti-Semitic legends in which Khazars appear as the tribesmen of Gog and Magog, then as the "monstrous nations" captured by Alexander the Great and penned between the mountains of the Caucasus, and finally as the "Red Jews" of medieval German folklore who menace peace-loving Christians. The book suffers most from a curious organizational structure. It begins with a description of the Khazar race. Its ethnic, linguistic and civic features are carefully delineated by chapter heading. The history of Khazaria from conversion to demise (brought on by aggression and perhaps, suggests Brook, by the very lack of homogeneity for which it was famed) is covered two-thirds of the way through the book. The final third is devoted to a broader topic: the prevalence of Jews throughout Eurasia before, after, and during the Khazar reign. The discussion of Jewish proselytism as a formerly common phenomenon is to Brook’s credit, as is his insistence on the legitimacy of converts in the already nebulous realm of interethnic pedigrees from the region and time in question. It is difficult, however, to herd information about the Avars, Subbotniki, Yemenites, Krymchaks, and Karaites into 100 pages without undermining their very inclusion in Brook’s thesis. Brook’s argument at the book’s end that the Khazarian Jews were responsible for the conversion of other non-Jews throughout Eurasia, from Lithuania to Judea, is, at best, misplaced for such a contentious question, and, at worst, disingenuous given the other factors motivating such conversions. This complaint, however, should not dissuade readers from tackling Brook’s abundant scholarship. On the contrary, his forthright embrace of such a quantity of material should be emulated, refined and disseminated, much as the faith of Khazaria’s most learned citizens was. Editor-s Note: Elizabeth Kiem is a freelance writer based in New York.

2006-05-23

TELEVISION STATION IN GEORGIA OPERATES MYSTERIOUSLY, GENERATES CONTROVERSY [09:45:00]

Seven months after it began broadcasting in Georgia, Alania TV, a pro-Tbilisi, Russian-language television channel, remains a subject of controversy and speculation. The chief mystery concerning Alania’s operations concerns its ownership structure. Television station representatives have taken pains to keep its financial picture under wraps. Anonymous sources within the station have been quoted by Georgian media outlets as saying the station has "foreign" financial backers. However media observers in Tbilisi claim it is an open secret that Alania is supported by the Georgian government itself. In a telephone interview Gela Charkviani, the president’s spokesperson, denied any knowledge of the television station’s owner, or the source of its financing. Television station representatives refused to comment for this article. "We all know this is also a state TV channel. It is not privately [owned]," said Irina Tsintsadze, a development officer at Internews Georgia, a non-governmental organization (NGO) that focuses on media capacity-building. She noted that while she does not understand the need for secrecy, she characterized the station’s emergence as "good strategy," as President Mikheil Saakashvili’s government goes about trying to bring South Ossetia back under Tbilisi’s control. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive]. "If you want to send a message to somebody, you should send it in an important way that ‘this is especially for you," Tsintsadze said. NGOs activists active in promoting conflict resolution suggest the secrecy surrounding Alania TV’s operations could be fueling distrust on the part of South Ossetians. According to Maia Tsaboshvili, chairwoman of the Georgian Ossetian Union, the hype surrounding Alania is proof the two sides are not ready to communicate openly. Noting that everyone knows that Tbilisi officials support the station, Tsaboshvili maintains Alania would be a more effective tool for promoting reconciliation if its ownership was out in the open. "Why shouldn’t we respect that and admit what so many – if not everyone -- understands already?" Tsaboshvili asked. Going on to describe the channel’s news programming as slightly "colored," Tsaboshvili said it nonetheless serves an important purpose by providing Ossetians with information they don’t have access to otherwise. Sabine Freizer, Caucasus Project director at International Crisis Group in Tbilisi, noted that most Ossetians do not understand Georgian, thus rendering inaccessible most of programming coming out of Tbilisi. Since Alania is broadcast in Russian, it provides an alternative to the Russian television stations that have entered the South Ossetian market. Freizer expressed the belief that Alania could play an important role in rebuilding Georgian-South Ossetian ties -- but only if the television broadcasts are supported by other confidence-building measures. She added that a draft law for property restitution and an OSCE-hosted donor conference scheduled for June were steps in the right direction. "It is very important that Georgia implements its peace plan, and it is very important that it should not be seen as checking off boxes," Freizer said. "It should be really a sustained, comprehensive ambition to implement this with a real political will to peacefully resolve the conflict." At first glance, Alania’s programming, which largely consists of new Hollywood releases dubbed over in Russian and the occasional satirical cartoon about Ossetian and Georgian leadership, appears harmless enough. But on occasion, the station has aired politically oriented content that has painted the separatist leadership in an unfavorable light. This has prompted journalists working in South Ossetia maintain that the station broadcasts Georgian propaganda. Irina Yanovska, a journalist with the Tskhinvali-based NGO called Journalists for Human Rights, believes Alania is adding tension to an already severely strained relationship between Tbilisi and Tskhinvali. In a telephone interview, she noted that if the station was created to bring the two sides closer together, it "is having the opposite effect." When Alania went on the air in November, the de-facto Tskhinvali government immediately announced plans to jam the station’s frequency. According to Georgian and Ossetian press reports, the broadcasts were temporarily disrupted in January when Alania aired a damning report on Eduard Kokoity, the de-facto leader of the separatist territory. The separatist leadership has referred to Alania as the "Georgian Special Forces channel." According to Tsaboshvili, it should not come as a surprise that many Ossetians are suspicious. The station paints a very rosy picture of the Georgian government’s policies, and that is hard for Ossetians to accept, Tsaboshvili said. Editor’s Note: Molly Corso is a freelance reporter and photojournalist based in Tbilisi.

2005-11-01

AZERBAIJAN: TELEVISION IS A CAMPAIGN BATTLEGROUND [09:07:00]

With Azerbaijan’s November 6 parliamentary vote just a week away, a battle between pro-government and pro-opposition media groups over television access is raging at full force. Opposition candidates claim that they have been blocked from television broadcasts, while pro-government candidates claim that the opposition is using television to promote revolution. Meanwhile, independent experts and monitoring groups report that political bias and smear tactics characterize all campaign coverage, regardless of the outlet’s political leanings. Censorship has headlined the charges brought by the opposition against state-run or affiliated television channels. At an October 23 press conference, Popular Front Party Chairman Ali Kerimli claimed that state broadcaster AzTV and public television were both denying airtime to the leaders of the Azadlig (Freedom) bloc, which comprises the Popular Front Party, Musavat Party and Democratic Party of Azerbaijan. Such claims have become increasingly frequent since October 17, the day initially planned for the return of exiled opposition leader Rasul Guliyev, chairman of the Democratic Party. Two cabinet ministers and several top government officials have since been arrested and charged with plotting a coup together with Guliyev. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive]. On October 17, Central Election Commission Chairman Mazahir Panahov told reporters that the Commission had decided to ask television stations, radio channels and newspapers to not disseminate remarks deemed incendiary. "It has reached the point whereby some candidates have even called for the overthrow of the current system and the abolition of the constitutional order via some TV channels," ANS reported Panahov as saying. "They have directly urged the public and the Azerbaijani people to take to the streets, which is totally inadmissible, as you know." That same day, Azadlig members were not allowed to make live broadcasts on AzTV. An official reason for the decision, however, was not given. The bloc has appealed the action to the Central Election Commission. Authorities have rejected the opposition’s complaints as groundless. Political parties with more than 60 candidates are entitled to free airtime on state-funded television. But candidates cannot appear in political debates on television channels that are financed from the state budget. Other opposition complaints have focused on the suspension of programs broadcast by satellite Azadlig TV, the first opposition television channel, which began broadcasting on September 27. According to Azadlig newspaper, a publication associated with the opposition bloc, the broadcast of Azadlig TV in Azerbaijan was blocked after Guliyev was interviewed by the channel on October 1. No public information exists about the channel’s registration or its source of financing. Some media experts have said that authorities used special jamming signals to cut off the broadcast. The political stakes involved in television broadcasts are sizeable. A media monitoring project done by the Najaf Najafov Fund, a local non-governmental organization, reported that 88 percent of Baku’s residents and 93 percent of the population outside of the capital name television as their main source of information. There are six national television and five radio companies operating in Azerbaijan. Two of them, including public television, are funded from the state budget. The rest are privately owned and funded companies, but often with certain political or business interests, the report claims. "The majority of media organizations have lost their independence and this factor widely affects their news coverage," said project coordinator Samir Ismailov. "Most media reports are one-sided and unbalanced and meet the interests of candidates from one or another political camp." Ismailov added that the situation is worse in the regions, where the 12 television and radio companies in operation often lack the resources for adequate coverage of the elections. "News coverage on regional TV is worse than on the national channels," commented Ismailov. "They produce very few media reports about the election campaign in the regions and mostly re-transmit programs of television broadcasts from the capital. There are no analytical programs or talk shows." Many of the regional television stations are even set up by people close to the local executive committees that govern each region, he added. Troubles encountered by media companies on the national level are often played out at the local level. On October 1, about 50 people staged a picket in the northern town of Sheki against the closure of a station run by ANS CM Radio, part of the private ANS television and radio company, a frequent target of complaints by the National TV and Radio Council (NTRC). The local radio studio was closed down under instructions from the head of the Sheki district executive authorities on the basis of a letter from the NTRC. At an October 4 press conference, NTRC Chairman Nusiravan Maharramli said that the station was broadcasting illegally since it did not have a special license. Though opposition publications have portrayed the closure as an attempt to curtail freedom of speech, Maharramli argued that technical reasons alone were the cause. At the same time, he accused ANS CM and ANS TV of carrying out a "campaign of slander" against him. Warned Maharramli: "This may result in harsh consequences for them." The Sheki struggle captured the attention of the international community. "Objective information is very important at the moment at least to enable citizens to make a right choice in the November parliamentary election," US Ambassador Reno Harnish said on October 3. He described the closure of radio stations as an obstacle to the development of democracy. "This [closure] is the creation of [a] monopoly in the alternative information sphere. We know that attempts were made to use this method during the Soviet time. I think that the NTRC should pay major attention to the regional studio to ensure that the problems of the Sheki people are heard and covered." Regardless of their political affiliation, both pro-government and pro-opposition media have made use of "black PR" to cast aspersion on their rivals, the Najaf Najafov Fund’s monthly monitoring project, "Parliament Elections as a Reflection of Mass Media," reports. The monitoring, which began in May, evaluates the objectivity of news coverage broadcast and published by a variety of media outlets in Azerbaijan. The report claims that pro-government stations are responsible for the bulk of black PR; in particular, Lider (Leader) TV and the state-owned AzTV (Channel 1). At the same time, newspapers are the domain of black PR that favors the opposition. The Najaf Najafov Fund report found that Baki Xabar, Azadlig, Yeni Musavat and Bisim Yol are overtly pro-opposition newspapers, which rely primarily on hearsay and anonymous sources rather than facts for their articles. International organizations and journalist rights watchdogs say that the parliamentary election campaign has raised concerns about the objectivity of information available to voters. "Campaign rhetoric is often heated and negative, reflecting a polarized political atmosphere," according to a September 23 report published by the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe’s Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights’s election observation mission. Although Azerbaijani media organizations signed a Code of Ethics for coverage of election campaigns in July, both pro-governmental and pro-opposition media outlets still use unethical methods of news coverage, journalists say. The code was signed on the initiative of the Council of Europe and aimed to promote independent and constructive news coverage of the forthcoming elections. "We are trying to eliminate the policy of ’black PR,’ and we have already seen a little progress," said Zeynal Mammadli, a member of the Press Council and head of a group of local experts sponsored by the Council of Europe to monitor election coverage. The publication of the results of weekly monitoring performed by the group has coincided with a decline in media violations of the Code of Ethics, Mammadli said. "However, we should not relax our vigilance." Mammadli listed the main violations of the Code as one-sided and unbalanced news coverage, slander and use of news programs for political advertisements. "Every time after a demonstration by the opposition, pro-government TV channels do not adhere to the principle of balanced and accurate news coverage and reporters do not control their own opinions," Mammadli said. The Council of Europe group reports that Lider TV and the state-owned AzTV have the highest number of violations of the code among TV channels. The pro-government newspapers Ses, Bakinski Rabochiy, Azerbaijan, Respublika and Khalg Gazeti and the privately owned, pro-opposition Yeni Musavat, Hurriet, Tezadlar and Rating newspapers have the highest number of violations among print media. Reports on public television, which started broadcasting on August 29, appear less biased, however, said the Najaf Najafov Fund’s Ismailov. "Free airtime on public TV is being distributed [to parties and blocs] as required by law. They give airtime to both pro-government and pro-opposition parties and blocs," Ismailov said. However, many experts lamented the fact that there are no political debates or talk shows related to the elections on public television. Editor’s Note: Rufat Abbasov and Mina Muradova are freelance journalists based in Baku.

2005-10-24

ARMENIAN YOUTH: READY TO ROCK? [08:50:00]

Armenia has not traditionally been a country known for its rock, nor for a great interest in the rock scene. But all that is beginning to change. On September 2, 2005, Yerevan staged its first international rock festival, Rock ’n People, in the capital’s central Republic Square. In a country where most "live" pop music concerts ^ a music genre much preferred over rock ^ are lip-synched, there are many obstacles to overcome. However, the organizers of the festival were convinced that audiences in Armenia would prefer to hear music being played live. Sound checks, a relatively new phenomenon in the country, can prove problematic. During the middle of a sound check by Empyray, a band typified by heavy bass and drum rhythms as well as searing guitar solos, an official from the nearby Ministry of Foreign Affairs requested that preparations for the concert be put on hold for half an hour while an important diplomatic meeting took place. The number of police, including Ministry of Interior troops deployed as security for the event, also surprised many. Although the festival would only attract a few thousand people, hundreds of police assembled in front of the stage. "Perhaps they think we’ll start a riot," said one young rock fan, arriving early to watch the main stage being set up. "Maybe they like rock music," another joked. The location, flanked on all sides by government buildings, a luxury hotel and the National Art Gallery, might not seem the most appropriate of venues to stage a rock concert, but with sponsors such as Radio Van and Viva Cell involved, permission was granted. Viva Cell, the long awaited competitor to ArmenTel, has been consistent in targeting its advertising and promotional campaigns towards youth. Yerevan hasn’t seen a rock festival in such a high-profile location since the end of the Communist era. Even today, many consider the last years of the Soviet Union to be the heyday of Armenian rock. Bands such as Asbarez had huge followings and others even had a role to play as ethnic conflict between Armenians and Azerbaijanis erupted over the predominantly ethnically Armenian populated territory of Nagorno Karabakh. In 1989, for instance, the band Vostan Hayots took their set ^ commemorating the tragic events of 1915 in Ottoman Turkey in which up to 1.5 million Armenians died in what Yerevan insists was genocide ^ throughout the country and even performed in Stepanakert, the capital of Nagorno Karabakh. The next day, Soviet troops confiscated their equipment. "We soon earned the reputation for arriving somewhere just before trouble broke out," remembers Hovhannes Kourghinyan, Vostan Hayot’s vocalist. "When we went to Agarak [in Southern Armenia] there were clashes between Armenians and Azerbaijanis and the same happened in Kapan. We even brought information from Meghri to the Karabakh Committee. A few people knew what was going to happen and were getting ready by arming themselves. We were involved in that." Gradually, as tensions with Azerbaijan over Karabakh turned into full-scale war, rock music became less and less popular in Armenia. In particular, military conscription put an end to the careers of many young and promising rock musicians. The electricity crisis of the early nineties also forced many others to find work abroad. "Without electricity you really can’t play rock music," said Kourghinyan, "It’s as simple as that." Other musicians were more fortunate, however. Hripsime Jangiryan, wife of Eduard Abrahamyan, lead singer with Manic Depressive Psychosis (MDP), remembers how the band assembled a hundred fans in Yerevan’s Agricultural College in 1993 when the capital was otherwise deprived of electricity. At the time, Abrahamyan worked as an electrician at the college, one of the few buildings supplied with power. A bottle of cognac convinced the college’s elderly security guard to leave, and the premises became MDP’s to use. But, even with electricity supplies now constant and Armenia’s economy well on the mend, there are few people who listen to rock music in the Republic. Instead, contemporary singers and musicians are reliant on the support of government-connected businessmen rather than CD sales to sustain their careers. During the 2003 presidential elections, Armenia’s pop stars were even called upon to return the favor by including footage of Kocharian in their videos and by performing free concerts throughout the country. The concerts, staged by the pro-presidential Baze youth organization, were used to urge young voters to re-elect the president. At an October 10 event to celebrate the 2787th anniversary of the Armenian capital's founding, local pop singers were also used to urge the audience to vote "yes" in a referendum on constitutional amendments scheduled for next month. Most of Armenia's rock groups now refuse to participate in this ongoing relationship between politics and culture, and, therefore, have limited access to the mainstream media. But, even among those young Armenians who do like rock, however, many say they instead prefer foreign bands. "In the nineties there were maybe 20 or 30 rock groups in Armenia," said MDP’s Abrahamyan. "However, after those difficult years, many left for England, the United States and Russia. As a result, the market is now under-developed and when the quality of rock music deteriorated, the audience instead turned to Western groups." Attracting listeners is also an ongoing obstacle, especially as rock music is starved of exposure in the mainstream media. Live concerts are also out because many young rock fans find it difficult to pay the 1,000-1,500 drams ($2-$3) entrance fee to Yerevan’s two rock clubs. Pricing tickets higher ^ over $15 ^ can lead to inadequate sales and cancellations, as one three-day-event planned this August near Lake Sevan showed. Armenia’s large Diaspora, a potential market for Armenian music, is also off-limits to local rock bands because ethnic Armenians living abroad instead prefer to listen to music that serves a nostalgic or nationalistic purpose. Even Bambir, a charismatic young band from Gyumri that is fast earning a reputation with its eccentric live performances in Yerevan, has so far been unable to find an audience outside of Armenia. Narek Barseghyan, Bambir’s 21-year-old guitarist, said that young Armenians want something different, but a monopoly on the music industry prevents rock bands from being shown on television or played on the radio. He also said that when compared to other former Soviet republics, Armenians are more conservative in their mentality. "In Georgia, it’s different," said Barseghyan. "Here, if you have long hair, people call you a gypsy." Despite the problems, however, Artyom Ayvazyan, president of the Antennae non-governmental organization (NGO) and the main organizer of the rock festival, is optimistic. In the past, national rock festivals in Yerevan have attracted audiences of around 500. The free festival staged on September 2, however, attracted at least 2,000. "It’s true that rock music doesn’t attract a large audience in Armenia," he admits. "However, there are many people who want to listen to something different even if they don’t yet know what. Although very few rock groups are played on the radio, there was almost nothing before." Marieke Kitzen, a Dutch volunteer working with the Bem Youth Progressive Action Center, a local NGO that considers the development of youth culture key to involving young Armenians in the country’s socio-political life, agrees. "I thought the rock concert was a great success, although at the beginning, when there were more police than spectators, I had my doubts if rock in Armenia would ever work," Kitzen said. Editor's Note: Onnik Krikorian is a freelance journalist and photographer from the United Kingdom based in the Republic of Armenia. He works for a variety of publications and international organizations.

2005-04-29

THE BAKU JAZZ FESTIVAL: REVIVING A TRADITION IN AZERBAIJAN [09:09:00]

Jazz has always held a special place in Azerbaijan. Under Soviet rule, jazz’s syncopated beats were banned. Today, nearly 14 years after the collapse of the Soviet Union, jazz’s place in this oil-rich city stands strong thanks to the International Baku Jazz Festival. The week-long festival, held in early April, kicked off in the city’s Fountain Square with an open-air brass, bass and drum performance that celebrated the legacy of the State Popular Orchestra, Azerbaijan’s first official jazz ensemble, founded in 1938. The music may have brought to mind more St. Louis than Saki, but many of the renditions had deep Azerbaijani roots. Jazz mugam is a home-grown specialty, a sultry combination of Azerbaijani folk music and traditional American jazz. The style reached its full fame in the 1950s and 1960s under the influence of composer Rafig Babayev and his Gaya quartet and jazz pianist and composer Vagif Mustafazadeh. These sounds gave Azerbaijani music its identity within the jazz genre. Dizzy Gillespie, the legendary American jazz trumpeter, reportedly lauded Mustafazadeh for creating "the music of the future." Today, Mustafazadeh’s daughter, Aziza, ranks as a star on the global jazz circuit with a fusion of classical and jazz scat styles. Another celebrity who has crossed the musical divide between East and West is Rain Sultanov, the 39-year-old jazz saxophonist whose band, The Syndicate, is based in Baku. For Sultanov, jazz is a family affair: Sultanov’s two older brothers, Rauf, a highly accomplished bass player, and Ramin, a percussionist, also perform with The Syndicate. But at the Baku Jazz Center, one of four venues used for the festival, the names of the performers did not seem to matter to members of the audience. Baku residents who listened to outlawed jazz on the BBC in the 1950s and 1960s stood alongside urban professionals who came of age following the country’s war with Armenia over Nagorno-Karabakh during the early 1990s, when Baku enjoyed a cultural rebirth. The festival itself began in 2002, some 33 years after Baku’s first national jazz festival in 1969. Musicians from some 12 countries arrived in Azerbaijan for the event, playing 18 concerts overall. Headlining the international selections was Austrian-born jazz veteran Joe Zawinul, late of the Weather Report, with his band, The Joe Zawinul Syndicate, featuring a combination of jazz and world music. Other jazz artists included Germany’s Christoph Busse Trio, Russia’s Yakov Okun quartet, the UK’s Frazer Fifield trio and Kayta Surikova trio and US jazz singer Debora Carter and saxophonist Greg Osby. Thousands of visitors packed the venues, according to organizers, and the festival brought in musicians from three times as many countries as in previous years. Said organizer and jazz musician Anar Usufzof: "There hasn’t been such an event before." Baku jazz aficionados can only hope that there will be one again. Editor’s Note: Isshad Duncan is a freelance writer based in Baku.

2005-04-21

Frenchman buys 25,000 Indian songs [12:51:00]

Achille Forler, who has been living in India since 1969, has also set up the country's first independent music publishing house with an impressive catalogue. The 54-year-old former French embassy employee paid $3m to buy or administer rights to compositions which include some by leading Bollywood composers and lyricists like KL Saigal, RD Burman, Javed Akhtar and Anu Malik. He has also bought the music to films such as Satyajit Ray's period classic Shatranj Ke Khiladi and Basu Chatterjee's Rajnigandha. The Frenchman realised there was potential in opening a music publishing business in India while heading the audio-visual department at the French embassy in Delhi. 'Low awareness' He says Sacem, the French society of authors, composers and publishers of music, collected $400,000 in royalties between 1990 and 1995 for Indian music used in France. "We didn't know whom to pay this money because most of the works of music were not registered," Mr Forler told the BBC News website. Eventually, the money was sunk into creating an organisation to promote budding French songwriters. The Indian music industry has huge potential - but if it wants to go global in a big way, it should adopt international practices of accounting and payments Achille Forler Mr Forler found that Indian songwriters and lyricists had a "very low awareness" about royalties due to them from their songs which were being played on television and radio stations abroad. "No one in the music industry here quite knows how to go about collecting royalties," he says. For example, leading Bollywood scriptwriter-songwriter Javed Akhtar told him that he had signed copyright contracts with producers for only 30 of the 320 films he had worked on. Achille Forler also found that no one had been collecting royalties for music played in Israel. There had been some 2,000 Indian songs on radio and films on television there in the last two years alone. Even the 36-year-old Indian Performing Rights Society Limited, a non-profit organisation which picks up royalties for Indian music, estimates that its present collections are only about 5% of the total possible collections in the country. After launching his company, Deep Emotions Publishing, in Delhi, Mr Forler helped popular Indian singer Shubha Mudgal to pick up royalties for four songs she had composed and sung for Mira Nair's 1996 film Kama Sutra. Ms Mudgal had given away her music rights for the four songs for $1,000. Mr Forler says he called up the film's producers in New York and renegotiated the contract in 1996. Court battles Since then Ms Mudgal has picked up $8,000 as royalties from repeat plays of her Kama Sutra compositions. Mr Forler says the problem with most Indian music writers and lyricists is that they sign contracts accepting a one-off payment from recording companies or film producers without "realising the long term royalty potential". Forler has bought rights for the music of the Satyajit Ray classic Shatranj Ke Khiladi Now his company has tied up with international music publishing giant BMG Music Publishing and set aside $12.5m to buy Indian music rights and sign up songwriters. The company now has rights to the compositions of two million international music acts - Ray Charles, Chuck Berry, Madonna, the Bee Gees and Bryan Adams among them. In India, Achille Forler collects royalties for songs he has bought directly. He also collects royalties for songwriters and takes a share of the earnings. Despite India's detailed copyright laws, negotiating music contracts and securing royalties here is often mired in long-drawn court battles. In many cases, royalties due to songwriters and lyricists are being pocketed by record companies. There are also outstanding issues involved in paying royalties to composers whose tunes end up on remix tapes, on television or on mobile phone ring tones. In fact, Achille Forler's firm has set aside nearly $60,000 this year to fight court battles. He says that Indian songwriters are becoming more aware of their royalty rights. "The Indian music industry has huge potential. But if it wants to go global in a big way, it should adopt international practices of accounting and payments," he says.

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